Posts Tagged ‘Korydallos Prison’
Friday, April 29th, 2016
Blaze last night at Korydallos prison to threaten the Golden Dawn neo-nazi prisoners, disturb the order, humiliate the warden Vassilis Lambrakis and solidarity to Fabio and Tony in solitary confinement. Fire started in the women’s section where political prisoners in isolation are held.
Riot cops and special forces were summoned and the two imprisoned comrades taken.
Fire to the Prisons
Wednesday, April 27th, 2016
“The proposal unfolded, the rebellion was generalized, some people undertook to respond to the call, fighters were active and the clock started to move: with different activities ranging from roadblocks, blockades, marches, closing of schools, explosive attacks everywhere, arsons, and other acts. All was called forth by this insurrectionary project, a coupling of theory and practice in action, a convergence between thought, analysis, action and proposals for destruction.”
- From a responsibility claim of anonymous comrades in Mexico for three bomb attacks against targets of authority, in the framework of Black June
For us, the month that passed was a testing ground for the informal coordination of anarchist action, at the same time being an experimental attempt for a political coexistence of comrades from different political origins and outlooks, who while maintaining their political autonomy would contribute to the realization of a subversive plan oriented around four key political directions: direct action, diversity of tactics and theories, the desire for a common coordination, and informal organization.
The campaign of Black December was a gathering point for the strategic direction of informal organization and to restart the continuous anarchist uprising in our own territory and internationally. This is why I think it was worthwhile, both for the prospects of enlarging anarchist attack and to look for paths where anarchist practices will meet, so that everyone who participated in this subversive undertaking will not just stay where they are, but will look for the right means to ensure the continuing informal coordination of anarchist action, defining our own coordinates within the social war and thus shaping those conditions that will allow us to strengthen and empower a polymorphic front to diffuse the seed of continuous anarchist insurrection in the metropolises of the world. (more…)
Monday, April 25th, 2016
On the 20th of April starts the second grade trial not only for the C.C.F. Case and some of its actions, but also for some other different cases of anarchists accused for actions of revolutionary violence. All these cases were attached to each other in a single trial, in order to serve many different and parallel judiciary manipulations against all those accused.
Regarding ourselves, we make it clear that towards the legal processes of this court, as well as any of its issues, we are completely indifferent. But even if the legal dimension is not one of our concerns, we’re interested in taking advantage of this opportunity to defend once more the action of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, to convert one more court-trial into an arena where anarchy stands against the enemies of freedom. A chance to confront again the technocrat servants of Justice and show that they are responsible for the misery that their existence carries.
The starting point of the state’s repression, the raid and invasion at the house in Halandri on 23/09/2009 and the arrest of Haris Hadzimihelakis – a member of the Conspiracy as well as that of others related to the case or not, and the barrage of persecutions that followed was a strong surprise for an important part of anarchy. It is a fact that a great shadow of fear spread causing a generalized numbness which contributed to the halting of the aggressive polymorphy that occurred during the period 2008-2009, as direct action decreased steeply.
At the upcoming trial inside the courtroom, a section of the history of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, which the state seeks to punish through the dead letters of the pages of the penal code which constitutes the peak of repression against the anarchist prisoners, will live again.
The dozens of arson attacks against state and capitalist targets, the bombings of politicians’ homes, the arrest warrants, captivity, illegality, the upgraded explosive devices in courts, prisons, banks, homes of fascists and other enemies of the revolutionary cause, are our own subversive experience as it proceeded through the Conspiracy, and we will defend it as such.
By defending politically our actions, we want to make it clear that we remain impenitent for our choices and actions through the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, and we aim to abolish the mapping of our history with the laws and the “wooden” language of the judges and instead impart to it its real characteristics, those of the decision of an anarchist group to arm themselves and carry out attacks against the system and its servants.
The fact that after so many years in prison we continue consistently supporting anarchy, the urban guerrilla and the option of all-out attack against the existent is our way to remain deniers of this society and its civilization.
Seven years later therefore, we don’t regret anything. The Conspiracy of Cells of Fire is more than a simple tool. It’s part of our own life and we’re never going to renounce it.
Because if time could turn back we would still walk the same path, because the fire of anarchist revolt still burns in our hearts.
Today more than ever there is a need to coordinate our passion to destroy the authoritative structures that surround us and to throw ourselves into a battle seeking freedom through thousands of acts that tries to disrupt the normality of the social machine.
The nuclei of the Informal Anarchist Federation, anonymous comrades who disturb the peace of the capitalist metropoles with their attacks, the polymorphous anarchist action trimming the function of sovereignty, the Black December project, the Insurrectionary Association of Theory and Action, is nothing but pieces of a mosaic of actions that build again an anarchy that is a real danger for power and its civilization.
Let’s turn these plans into an everyday war against the state and let’s venture into the ceaseless battle for the resurgence of the constant anarchist insurrection.
The bet is still open…
The members of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire – FAI / IRF
Tags: Athens, Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, Conspiracy of Cells of Fire : Imprisoned Members Cell, Damiano Bolano, Giorgos Nikolopoulos, Greece, Harris Hatzimichelakis, Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI), International Revolutionary Front, Korydallos Prison, Michalis Nikolopoulos, Panagiotis Argyrou, Theofilos Mavropoulos, Trial
Posted in Prison Struggle
CCF Escape Case: ‘With no trace of remorse’ – Letter by imprisoned anarchist comrade Aggeliki Spyropoulou (Greece)
Sunday, April 3rd, 2016
WITH NO TRACE OF REMORSE
This experience is the starter of the development on both a political and a personal level. Imprisonment is an almost inevitable experience for anyone who has decided to join the armed struggle. But the question, as in every experience, is whether and how to take advantage of it.
The birth of the prison has always been built upon cultivation and perpetuation of validation of submission of those who do not conform to the predefined standards of society. However, there are some people whose desire for freedom burns their hearts in a way that does not allow them to accept the role imposed on them as part of the prison automation, even for a single moment during their imprisonment. When it comes to these people, prison fails miserably in its purpose, and despite the walls and bars that stand around them capturing their bodies, they themselves remain rebellious and actually free. Neither souls nor spirits fit in cages.
Let’s start at the very beginning. First of all, as anarchists that have declared war on all aspects of the modern civilized world, we know well that in order to become dangerous, it is necessary to use all kinds of means. Armed propaganda was, is and will remain an integral part of the diverse anarchist struggle. Theory is undoubtedly a very useful tool yet it validates its original meaning only when reflected in the respective action. It is essential to establish a clear dividing line between the enemy and us, since liberation from the system requires its practical rejection. Resistance cannot stop where the penal code begins. (more…)
Judge continues the trial against CCF despite concerns raised by District Attorney & defense lawyers (Greece)
Sunday, April 3rd, 2016
Today on March 31st the court convened for the trial against members of the C.C.F. accused to have planned an escape from prison. Due to an ongoing lawyers’ strike, the defense attorneys asked for the trial to temporarily discontinue. The lawyers even proceeded to the submission of relevant documents from the Bar Association certifying the strike and the lawyers’ need to take part in it.
The District Attorney Koutras also suggested to temporarily discontinue the trial on account of the aforementioned strike and the lawyers’ abstention. The judicial board left the courtroom to have a meeting and come to a decision. When the board returned, Justice A. Yfanti, announced that the entire board minus one judge, rejected the lawyers’ request and decided to continue the trial proceedings. Moreover, they gave an ultimatum to the defense lawyers, saying that ”If you do not exercise your duties you will be removed”. (more…)
Koridallos prisons: Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis on the escape attempt and life sentence (Greece)
Thursday, March 24th, 2016
Text of Nikos Maziotis about the operation of escape from Koridallos prison and the sentence of life imprisonment handed down in the 2nd Revolutionary Struggle trial
The attempt to escape from Koridallos prison by helicopter on February 21st 2016 – an operation carried out by comrade Pola Roupa, member of Revolutionary Struggle – was a revolutionary act, a guerrilla action for the liberation of political prisoners. It was a means of continuation of Revolutionary Struggle’s activity, a response to the State’s repressive operations against our organisation and other political prisoners, comrades who are in prison for armed activity as well. It was therefore an exemplary solidarity act of great and unique importance. The prison escape operation was a step towards continuing armed revolutionary activity; promoting the struggle for the overthrow of the State and Capital; overturning the establishment’s policy of bailout programs imposed by the troika of the country’s supranational bosses, the EC, ECB and IMF, to which the ESM has been added with the enactment and implementation of the third memorandum program by the SYRIZA-led government. Armed struggle in the present circumstances is more timely and necessary than ever. The failure of this operation won’t bend us. We will struggle as long as we live and breathe. (more…)
Friday, March 18th, 2016
Prison is a milestone in the revolutionaries’ path towards freedom. It’s an intermediary stop, but not the end.
The authority often chooses the subtraction from mathematics. Like when they subtract lives with bombings in the warzones of their energy-generating and geopolitical interests, like when they subtract refugees from the cityscapes, entombing them in isolated concentration camps, like they subtract the smallest crumbs of the underpaid wage slavery, beating more brutally with whips, bodies that have gotten used to rickets, like when they want to subtract everyone who defies them, by locking them up inside prisons…
In this way, every revolutionary anarchist is facing the biggest contradiction. They are fighting for freedom and yet they’re flirting with the captivity of the prison, they love life so much and yet death from the guards of authority wants to ambush them.
In these years that we are in prison, our steps have gotten used to be calculated inside the barbed wires, our eyes have learnt by heart every centimetre of these few cubic meters of the forecourt, but our minds have never been captured by the iron fences.
How can you let yourself capitulate, when you are facing on one side the provocative wealth of those in power and on the other side tearful eyes of a child at a concentration camp, on one side the mafia of the politicians, judges and journalists who are counting people like louses of the earth and on the other side men and women who are committing suicide because of the standoffs of the economic crisis, looking in garbage to find food, sleeping in the streets, on one side armies of happy slaves being dazzled from the storefronts and the screens of a fake life and on the other side the bad bevy of loneliness and silence being your only companion.
We don’t intend to capitulate with the tyranny of authority, neither get used to living like slaves.
We know that freedom isn’t something that can be given away… neither can it be bestowed… Our freedom blossoms from the blood and the sacrifices of our struggle. Even if once again, our desirable rendezvous with freedom has been postponed because of the dastardliness of one pilot- former policeman- and the helicopter that never reached its destination, that doesn’t mean that we will give up…
We are fully aware that the recovery of our freedom will be only achieved through revolutionary violence, which will attack against the monopoly of the sadistic violence of the power.
A freedom that in our opinion is the SAME with the continuation of urban guerilla, in order to escalate the anarchist struggle. A freedom that will walk on top of the debris of this aged world and its monuments… prisons, courts, parliaments, police departments, concentration camps, labs of the technological totalitarianism…
With certitude and determination of those who will risk everything for liberation, putting again the conundrum at the table… “Freedom or Death…”
A decision… we are fighting till the end
The struggle continues…
Comradely greetings to the anarchist member of Revolutionary Struggle Pola Roupa
The members of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire – FAI/IRF
* The Free Besieged is an unfinished collection of poems composed by Dionysios Solomos that was inspired by the third siege of Missolonghi (1825–1826), where the Greek rebels held out for almost a year before they attempted a mass breakout, which however resulted in a disaster, with the larger part of the Greeks slain.
Tags: Christos Tsakalos, Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, Gerasimos Tsakalos, Giorgos Polydoros, Greece, Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI), International Revolutionary Front, Korydallos Prison, Letter, Olga Economidou, Pola Roupa
Posted in Prison Struggle
Open letter of Pola Roupa about the attempt to break Nikos Maziotis out of Koridallos prison (Greece)
Monday, March 14th, 2016
Below is the first part of the comrade’s long letter; originally published in Greek on Athens IMC (March 8th 2016).
Under other circumstances, this text would be written by Revolutionary Struggle. However, the outcome of the attempt to break out the comrade Nikos Maziotis of Koridallos prison obliges me to speak personally.
On February 21st , I attempted to break out Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis by helicopter. The operation was planned so that other political prisoners could join us, who wished to make their way to freedom. Details of the plan, how I managed to evade the security measures and board the helicopter armed, have no special significance and I will not refer to them; despite the fact that there has been a lot of misinformation. Just for the sake of clarity, I will only mention that the plan was not based on any previous helicopter prison escape, it is not associated with any findings of plans not yet implemented, and I do not have any relation to another fugitive person despite media portrayals to the contrary. Also, this attempt was not preceded by any escape plan that “was wrecked”, as reported by some media.
A quarter of the journey after our takeoff from Thermisia in Argolida, I took out my gun and I asked the pilot to change course. Of course, he did not understand who I am, but he realised it was an attempted prison break. He panicked. He attacked me pulling out a gun – a fact he “omitted”. Also because they will likely try to refute the fact he was armed, I remind everyone that there are publicly available reports about the discovery of two mags in the helicopter. One was mine, but the second wasn’t mine. The second mag was from his own gun, which he dropped from his hands during our scuffle during flight. And as for me, of course I had a second mag. Would I go to such an operation with only one mag?
He lost control of the helicopter and shouted in panic “we will get killed”. The description that was presented of a helicopter substantially unmanageable is true. But these images did not result from my actions, but his. The helicopter was losing altitude and swirled in the air. We flew a few meters over electricity wires. I screamed to him to pull up the helicopter, to do what I tell him so no one will get hurt.
Within no time at all, we were on the ground. Those who speak of a dispassionate reaction of the pilot, apparently judging from the result, don’t know what they are talking about.
Instead of doing what I told him to do, he preferred to risk crashing with me in a collision of the helicopter, which didn’t happen by chance. It goes without saying that upon entering the helicopter and trying to gain control of it, to direct it to the prisons, I had made my decision. If he refused to do what I told him, I would naturally react. Those who claim I was responsible for the uncontrolled descent of the helicopter, from 5,000 feet to the ground, what did they expect? That I would have said “if you don’t want to come to the prisons, never mind”? I fired my gun and we engaged – both armed – in a scuffle during flight.
He preferred to risk crashing with me on the mountain than to obey. When we finally landed on the ground with speed, even though I knew the operation was lost, I had every opportunity to execute him. I consciously decided not to do so. Although I knew that with this decision I was endangering my life or freedom, I did not execute him even though I had the chance. He himself knows this very well. The only factor that held me back was my political conscience. And I took this decision, risking my own life and possibility to get away.
Regarding the prison escape operation itself, it’s obvious that all possible safety measures were taken in order to safeguard the undertaking against the armed guards patrolling the prison perimeter, and I even carried a bulletproof vest for the pilot as well. In this case, the purpose was to make the prison break happen in a way that would ensure the lowest possible risk for the helicopter, the comrades and, of course, the pilot. I acted with the same thought when we landed on the ground; despite the fact that the operation failed because of the pilot; despite the fact that he was armed. I essentially put his life over my own life and safety. But I am to reconsider this specific choice.
Organising to break out Nikos Maziotis was a political decision, as much as it was a political decision to liberate other political prisoners as well. It was not a personal choice. If I wanted to only liberate my comrade Nikos Maziotis, I wouldn’t have chartered a large helicopter – a fact that made the operation’s organising more complex. The aim of the operation was the liberation of other political prisoners as well; those who actually wanted, together with us, to make their way to freedom.
This action, therefore, despite its personal dimensions that are known, was not a personal choice but a political one. It was a step in the path to Revolution. The same goes for every action I have carried out and for every action I will make in the future. These are links in a chain of revolutionary planning aimed to create more favourable political and social conditions, for broadening and strengthening revolutionary struggle. Below I will refer to the political basis of this choice; but first I have to talk about facts, and the way I have operated until now in regard to some of these facts.
As I previously mentioned, every action I carry out concerns an act related to political planning. In the same context, I expropriated a branch of Piraeus Bank on the premises of Sotiria Hospital in Athens last June . With this money, in addition to my survival in “clandestinity”, I secured the organising of my action and financing of the operation for the liberation of Nikos Maziotis and other political prisoners from Koridallos women’s prisons. The reason I refer to this expropriation (I couldn’t care less about the penal consequences of this admittance) is because, at this time, I consider it absolutely necessary to disclose how I operate in regard to the safety of civilians, who in certain circumstances happen to be present in revolutionary actions I am involved in, and my perspective about this issue on the occasion – always mutatis mutandis – of the prison escape attempt.
In the case of the expropriation of Piraeus Bank branch, what I mentioned to the bank clerks when we walked into the bank was that they should not press the alarm button, because this would endanger their own safety, since I wasn’t willing to leave the bank without the money. I did not threaten them, nor would they ever be in danger because of me. They would only be in danger because of the police, if cops arrived at the spot and we subsequently had an armed clash. And the police would only arrive if any clerks pressed the bank alarm. This was a development which they themselves wanted to avoid. Because people who happen to be present in every such action are not afraid of those trying to expropriate, but instead the police intervening. Besides, it’s really stupid for anyone to attempt to defend money belonging to bankers. And for the record, when a female clerk told me “we ourselves are also poor people,” I suggested to her that we step over to a “blind” spot, where cameras can’t see us, to let her have 5,000 euros, which she did not accept, apparently out of fear. If she had accepted the money, she can be sure I would not speak publicly about it. And one detail: what I was holding was a medical apron to conceal my gun while waiting outside the bank; it was not a towel(!), as mentioned several times.
In every period of time, in the struggle for Revolution – as is also the case in all wars – at times the revolutionaries are obliged to seek the assistance of civilians in their fight. The historical examples are too many – an attempt to document them would fill an entire book, and this isn’t the time to expand on the matter – both in Greece and in armed movements and organisations in other countries. In such cases, however, we essentially ask them to take sides in a war. Once someone refuses to assist, their stance is not just about the particular practice, but an overall hostile stance against the struggle. They endanger or cancel undertakings, they put the lives of fighters in danger, they throw obstacles in the way of a revolutionary process. They take a position against a social and class war.
Neither at Piraeus Bank branch nor during the attempted helicopter escape did I make my identity known. Therefore, no one involved in these cases knew that those were political actions. But after the failed escape attempt, and given that – as I already mentioned – I had the opportunity to kill the pilot but I didn’t, risking my own life, I have to make the following public: from now on, whenever I need the assistance of civilians again, and if I deem it necessary, I will make my identity known from the outset. Since my mission in any case concerns the promotion of the struggle for overthrowing the criminal establishment, let everyone know that any possible refusal of cooperating and effort of obstructing the action will be treated accordingly.
I am, of course, aware of the personal details of the pilot, but I did not threaten his family. I would never threaten families and children.
This is my balance sheet after the escape attempt, one I must make public.
THE PRISON ESCAPE OPERATION WAS A REVOLUTIONARY CHOICE
I ATTEMPTED THE PRISON ESCAPE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
ALL MY LIFE I STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
I WILL CONTINUE TO STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
member of Revolutionary Struggle
Friday, March 4th, 2016
Regarding the trial for the escape plan from Korydallos prison against the members of the C.C.F. something truly incomprehensible is unfolding…
Two of the defendants, Athena Tsakalou and Evi Statiri cannot be present at court during the trial because of certain restrictions as part of their conditional release from pre-trial detention.
During the three times the court convened so far, the same thing happened: the judge calls their names to register their attendance and every time the exact same dialogue follows. The defence attorneys have to explain that both women are under conditional release and if restrictions are violated they will be re-arrested. These restrictions are in the form of house arrest for Athena Tsakalou who lives on Salamina island, while Evi Statiri is not allowed to cross the 1km radius from her residence. (more…)
Thursday, March 3rd, 2016
On March 3rd 2016, the Koridallos prison court sentenced all co-accused in the second trial against Revolutionary Struggle with regard to the attack with a car bomb containing 75kg of explosives against the Bank of Greece’s Supervision Directorate in central Athens on April 10th 2014; the shootout in Monastiraki on July 16th 2014 (when comrade Nikos Maziotis was injured and recaptured by police); and expropriations of bank branches.
Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis was sentenced to life in prison plus 129 years and a fine of 20,000 euros.
Revolutionary Struggle (fugitive) member Pola Roupa was sentenced to 11 years in prison on misdemeanor charges (if arrested, she will stand trial on felony charges, too).
Antonis Stamboulos was sentenced to 13 years in prison.
Giorgos Petrakakos was sentenced to 36 years in prison plus a fine of 9,000 euros.