‘Letter to a Chilean about the current situation (III and last)’ by Gustavo Rodriguez
—To Joaquín García Chanks and Marcelo Villarroel Sepúlveda, comrades and co-conspirators.
“Let’s continue the assault on the existent with all means, undeterred by those who would silence us with weapons from the stockpile of reaction, be they the kick of the democratic jackboot, the empty chatter of opinion or the siren calls of the candy men of hope.”
Jean Weir; Tame words from a wild heart.
“Whomever is determined to carry out their action is not a brave person, they are simply someone who has clarified their ideas, who has realized the futility of striving to play the role assigned to them by Capital. They are aware, and attack with cold determination. And in doing so they realize themselves as a human being. They realize themselves in pleasure. The kingdom of death disappears before their eyes.”
Alfredo Maria Bonanno; Selected Texts.
“Let us put a stop to the conjuring tricks of dialectics. The exploited are not carriers of any positive project, be it even the classless society … Capital is their only community. They can only escape by destroying everything that makes them exploited.”
At Daggers Drawn
When history is written – with capital letters, the one that the victors have always written and will write – about the generalized insurrection in Chile at the end of the first decade of the 21st century, it will have to be read with extreme meticulousness, since it will be reflected in the supposed motivations of the “crisis” that produced the revolt.
Once again, the economic analysis will prevail – with emphasis on “the obscenity of misery” that has caused that uncertain denomination they call “Neo-Liberalism” – and, the poor negotiating capacity of a superb government that failed to meet popular demands and chose for the continuity of a regime of corruption and impunity, a (constitutional) heir of one of the bloodiest fascist dictatorships in the Americas.
However, nothing will be recorded of that anonymous power that shaped the anger of despair, of the nihilistic actions that transformed into a sweeping energy which disrupted normality whilst mercilessly attacking the reality that oppresses us.
This power will be made invisible (at best) and / or, reduced to a mob of “anarchist and lumpen elements, in addition to groups allied to drug traffickers to unleash looting and vandalism”(1), and stifled in the peaceful condition of “Legitimate” protests and the transcendental importance of the new constitutional fetishes as a legal guarantor of “The needs of the People”.
In this way, it was registered throughout twenty-two pages of a pamphlet with literary claims written by the social democratic intellectual Ariel Dorfman and published in due course by the Economic Culture Fund (FCE)(2).
However, this type of speculation is always expected of lawyers in the service of the left-wing of Capital. As the new adaptations to the contemporary Marxian libretto were also to be expected, in a frankly resuscitative attempt of an expired and proven failed ideology that was buried in the Highgate cemetery more than a century ago.
That is why today – not tomorrow – we have the consequent exercise of making our own history against the counter narrative (Benjamin, dixit); that is to say, to strengthen the insurrectionary narrative, that which is not written in ink but that is spun and smeared with gasoline and dynamite in the book of our own body.
Appeals and panfletary proposals
While the Leninoid verbiage – from the Communist Party of Chile (PCC) to the extra-parliamentary Bolsheviks (read Manuel Rodríguez-Autónomo Patriotic Front; the Revolutionary Left Movement-Guerrilla Army of the Poor and; the remnants of the MAPU-Lautaro) – attached to economic rhetoric, it is not far from Dorfman’s analysis; It is also true that (unlike this character and the CCP) the few Leninist groups that still remain outside the institutions, today exalt the “spontaneity of violence” and applaud the “self-management in the streets”, passing through the arch all the thesis of dad Vladimir in his dialectical encounters with Rabóchei Dieloii(3) and, showing his legendary opportunism through a punctual marketing – destined for mass consumption – that tries to sell us scrap at all costs.
This is stated by the pamphlet published by the FPMR-A and the MIR-EGP, which they have distributed in some of the most radicalized urban areas with a strong fighting tradition (Villa Francia, Lo Hermida, Maipú, Florida, Puente Alto, between others.), innovating a semantic transvestism that celebrates: “the struggles that have new dynamics of organization, modalities, expression, means and calls” and applauds “The contradiction of modernity and global consumption versus cosmogonic orgination, autonomy and self-management”(4).
In case this was not enough (to make us vomit), adding: “Feminist demands are not only for women, but an indispensable condition for a libertarian society, without domination, hence its acute political dimension”(5). It continues with the claim that this prolonged insurrection: “is the reflection of a new way of building ourselves as social subjects, a form of insurgent and communal popular power that far from seeking a new set of rules or form of government that governs us, it always has the purpose of fighting again and again for the dissolution of all forms of alienation, domination, authoritarianism, injustice, dispossession and repression. That is at the same time it is a political expression of life organized in solidarity with horizontal networks of communities and territories”(6). And, to close, as a declaration of principles: “Our horizon is to deploy our own worlds and ways of life to build an emancipated subjectivity and end all domination. We strive to create our own, autonomous and self-managing power […] Our horizon is libertarian, incompatible with the moderation required by the powerful to maintain their privileges […] True peace, with justice and dignity, is finally the most precious objective of a social and libertarian revolution”(7).
Right from this new epitome, extra-parliamentary Leninists have begun to promote the so-called “territorial assemblies” in a further trial to recover – in political-ideological terms – the (until now uncontrollable) insurrection, rehearsing a confusing script with fine nuances of demagogues that puts in fact, the little reception of their fiery speech among the young protagonists of the revolt, evidencing the nullifying roots of Marxist Leninism in the new subversive non-subject (impossible to grasp) that today incites insurrection throughout the Chilean geography and, the urgent need for camouflage: the immemorial strategy of the wolf disguised as a grandmother stalking Little Red Riding Hood.
In this same tenor, the “revolutionary Marxists” reappeared on stage, calling themselves “internationalist communists”, contributing their elucidations to the groups of postmodern Groucho Marxism. And, as expected, they did not spare anything when it came to rejecting the constitutional farce and reaffirming their repudiation of all parliamentary pestilence, denouncing, in passing, the historical opportunism of the Chilean Bolsheviks. However, they corroborated coincidences around the so-called “territorial assemblies” promoting their proliferation.
With this objective, they put into circulation a new comic entitled “There is no turning back”(8), edited by the Internationalist Communist Group (GCI), which has not ceased to amaze me at the strategic semantic rearrangement of speech in their repeated desire of recruiting unsuspecting ones from anarchic stores.
It is worth noting the superlative cynicism with which the pamphlet in question has been drafted, where in addition to recognizing that “the rebellion of 18/10 was spontaneous, popular, massive and anarchic” they come to admit, without apparent misgivings, that “in this new wave of global rebellions against the system of domination, insurrections no longer have a goal of the “conquest of power” (as understood from the bourgeois revolutions: by capturing state power), but are true “permanent insurrections” that defy power”(9).
[Waooo! Where are the theses of programmatic orientation and that yearning to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat for the abolition of wage labor? Did they abandon the dogma of religion founded by the elder of the Marx brothers and enthusiastically embraced Bakunin’s iconoclastic self-confidence?]
Not to mention the lavishness with which they highlight the differences between “the bourgeois revolutions” and “the true ‘permanent insurrections’”, drawing on the contemporary theories of anarchic informalism that they have criticized so much during the last decade(10).
But, what amazed me most about the new GCI pamphlet was the reconceptualization they make of the idea of “class”, introducing the notion of “class / species”(11) in a desperate – and incredibly arbitrary – attempt to subsume within the concept “Proletariat” the entire human species(12). Although we cannot ignore the convenient theoretical readjustment that innovates around “the social revolution” as “a possibility for humanity to reconcile with itself, with other animals and with nature”(13), in shameless nod to the supporters of the Front of Animal Liberation (ALF) and the radical anarcho-ecologism around the Earth Liberation Front (ELF), both positions criticized in the past by this Marxian group that attributed an “ideological vision”, typical of “petty bourgeois deviationism”, to these groups in struggle for total liberation and against the domestication of the wild.
Despite the absolute impudence of their new speech, what is really worrying is the evident concomitance of all clans of Marxian descent around the development of “territorial assemblies” as an effective vehicle for the resolution of problems and tasks (of “practical order”) for the future communicator:
“What we are clear about is that the territorial assemblies are bodies created from October 18 by the communities in struggle. Our place is there, where we will have to discuss openly with those who more or less consciously embrace institutionalist and social democratic positions, which are expressed so far in a majority feeling in favor of a “constituent process.”
“But it is not just that: the greatest potential of territorial assemblies, as long as it maintains its autonomy, acting from outside and against the State, has to do with issues and tasks of a practical nature (self-defense, food, communications, care of children and older adults) that would have to be pushed towards their limits in order to be able to raise the communicative objectives from them.”
“Assemblies are the space from which new forms of social relationship can arise, that overcome and send the garbage dump of history to capitalist social relations. It is necessary to coordinate them all.” (My italics)(14).
And since I am on track in this critical review of pamphlet production in the context of the insurrection in the southern region, I regret not being able to include in this text the analysis of the neo-Blanquists. They tell me – some of them are aware – that the Invisible (Central) Committee booklet on events in Chile is still in preparation. The usual simultaneous translations are not ready yet. So we will have to wait; although too much ingenuity is not required to envision the full support for the “territorial assemblies” by the invisible champions in their “communizing” greed.
Surely they will resort to semantic juggling and, once again, they will establish a false dilemma like the one that emerged between “assemblies” and “camps”, establishing non-existent differences and changing one term for another. Perhaps at this time they resort to their old favorite constituency, appealing to their adorable “commune” and insisting that “the self-organization” of daily life (food, nurseries, infrastructure, nursing, etc.) is the “paradigm of living” and that this is not manifested in general assemblies but, interestingly, in practice, in all camps installed in squatted squares, it was the assembly – in the name of direct democracy – that governed and determined the course of events. This could be seen in all the rebellions and protests of recent years (the “Piquetero movement” in Argentina, the “commune” of Oaxaca, the “Arab Spring”, the Spanish 15M, Syntagma, “Occupy Wall St.”, Gezi Park … ) and, therefore, its prompt systemic recovery.
But the neo-Blanquists will not only agree with the “sincere Marxists” (as they affectionately call the GCI militants and the survivors of Marxian autonomy) and even, with the extra-parliamentary Leninists, in the “need” for the extension of the territorial assemblies in Chile; for the sake of ideological harmony; they also agree with all that is cast in the yearning for the Revolution (“the insurrections have come, not the revolution”)(16), considering the insurrection as a sort of “minor” attempt, something that still does not bridge: “a gap within the organized kingdom of foolishness, lies and confusion”(17); the furtive symptom that can make the revolutionary possibility viable in central societies and, with greater opportunities, in peripheral societies(18).
While it is true that the comfortable articulation of the Chilean Neo-Platformist (Anarcho-Communist) parties with their political discourse in favor of the territorial assemblies did not take me by surprise – I was also surprised that they promoted from the very beginning the proposal of the Constituent Assembly of the hand of Leninists and Allendists–; one hoped that from more of the informal positions of contemporary anarchic praxis more would insist on a renewed theoretical-practical reflection that would forcefully refute inertia and democratic rituals, assuming that the practice does not admit whims or a ideological myopia, aware that anarchism cannot be solely conceived as a ceremonial liturgy or as an immutable axiom or as an unbreakable realization but as an unmovable tension, embodied in a new form of insurrection, different and even opposed to mechanical (traditional) insurrection and organisational insurrection (instrumental and in agreement to a program), which we might call permanent insurrection.
However, some nucleations of the informal galaxy in Chile have opted for democratic practices and have opted to enliven territorial assemblies; forgetting that democracy in any of its forms (representative, assembly, direct, popular, etc.) is the enemy of Anarchy. Anarchic power lies not in the assemblies but in its destructive energy manifested in thousands of different practices. In the assemblies, individual responsibility, free initiative and dissent are suffocated, in search of consensus, the verb is separated from action, immobility is induced, insurrection is neutralized.
Faced with these distortions, I aspired to open an open and fraternal dialogue with several companions related to the informal anarchic tendency, of proven insurrectionary trajectory, with the intention of avoiding a counter-productive outcome (the political recovery of the insurgency) and / or, worse, a deep disappointment that significantly immobilizes for decades the advance of the insurrectionary actions of informal anarchism in the Chilean region. Unfortunately, many companions see with great sympathy the role of “territorial assemblies” and interpret it as an autonomous tool that gives – or can give – “self-managed” attention to practical tasks (food, communications, health services, self-defense, etc.) at the community level.
Of course, I understand that in the daily life of the insurrection, this type of concern is expressed in the face of community needs and urgencies and that, as sensitive and supportive people that we are, we want (or try) to find a solution, by disregarding everything learned from our past experiences and repeating the same mistakes as always.
Of course, in all this, we have to recognize that there is a lot of adulteration, deformation, assimilation, omission and rearrangement, of anarchist historiography – particularly the anarcho-syndicalist -, which has given certain episodes of our seditious journey a mythological aura and, this distorted vision has lasted up until today against the backdrop and the irreplaceable reference of the Spanish Revolution of 1936.
Exactly at this point, I want to bring up a timely reflection of the comrades who publish the Kalinov Most magazine that underlines a view that I fully share: “We learn from past experiences, but we need to update them”(20). This need to “update” our theory but, above all, our anarchic practices, is evident not only in the Chilean insurrection but in all the revolts of world where one way or another, our comrades participate and / or influence. Obviously, this update remains our pending subject.
In this same contribution of the editorial group of Kalinov Most –written from the guts–, as a “rapid balance” of the generalized insurrection against the Chilean State, where the heart prevails and the desire to be consistent with the anarchic principles (same as they emphasize again and again in each attempt to respond to the questions that arise about the struggle itself), followed by the reaffirmation around this necessary theoretical-practical update, they state: “We have always bet that our means are directed according to our goals, then, from informal and negationist anarchic projections, we allow ourselves to daydream looking at the present. What are our goals?”(21).
And, although they do not give a direct answer to the question, they immediately affirm: “We are committed to the association between small communities, that support and contribute among themselves, without fixed structures held over individuals, maintaining permanent tension and permanent questioning without ever believing in an accomplishment neither final nor finalized. Our practices in the present have to know how to go in that direction”(22).
However, despite the conscious recognition that Anarchy is not a realization but a permanent tension, this statement does not respond to the necessary theoretical-practical “update” mentioned above. By betting on “the association between small communities, which (support) and contribute each other” – which in fact does imply an accomplishment -, we do nothing other than re-trace the “revolutionary manual” of 1936. Obviously quite late.
Seen from the perspective offered by the enormous distance that separates us from those facts, the Spanish Revolution seems to have been the swan song of classical anarchism; However, despite the impact that the iconic phrase of Durruti(23) had on the collective unconscious of those anarchists, limits were not demolished – leaving too many temples, bridges, warehouses, insane asylums, factories, prisons and barracks – nor were the banks expropriated, neither the production was dismantled nor the work was destroyed (pretending that it could be released through the same capitalist assembly lines just by seizing the means of production). Today, the outcome of the Spanish Revolution is well known: the immediate systemic recovery in the hands of fascism.
With the association of small communities “that (support) and contribute to each other,” as Kalinov Most enthusiastically raises, at most a confederation of happy islands would be realized that could certainly meet the immediate needs of the community- while correctly showing the system of domination’s failures – but, those are not and cannot be the ends of anarchism in the 21st century.
As our comrade Costantino Cavalleri explains in his most recent contribution regarding “our possible deficiencies by not cultivating today (or neglecting) those moments-elements that are assumed to be self-managed”(24) or “what could be summarized as the possibility of constructing moments of the future from now on, that they serve as “inspiration”, in an “educational” way, for the later revolution or as “bases” for the future”(25); Definitely “THE HAPPY ISLANDS DO NOT EXIST IN THIS SYSTEM” (Capitals in the original)(26).
“The atomic radiation of Chernobyl, the carcinogenic fumes of Rumianca, the pests of Piana di Ottana, the polluting fog of factories and engines, the toxic micro-particles of the military bases, invade our potato gardens, also penetrate our lungs in any supposed island to which we flee and, the insane relations of domination-subjection, command-obedience, frustration and oppression, limitations and impositions of all kinds, typical of the societies of State-Capital, surround us and prevent our existence”(27).
We must be aware of the impossibility of these islands. Today there is no outside. In our days everything is inside (that is, inside the Capital). By just being alive we reproduce the system no matter how hard we try to avoid it. The only thing we can manage are our miseries. Global capitalism has imposed us a perpetual night. But, paradoxically, night is our best weapon. We will then have to act again with the darkness as a companion, lighting the nights with the refractory fire of insurrectional anarchism.
Dangerous political-ideological conjunctions
It is enough to read between the lines of some of the texts of recent elaboration in the context of contemporary global struggles to ratify that we are witnessing a political-ideological convergence that evokes – in a melancholic way – a shared womb; a kind of “revolutionary matrix”, a kind of common tree that is presumed to absorb different theoretical-practical nutrient “branches” that today (faced with “objective and subjective” conditions) track their genelogy with the intention of re-validating their lineage.
In this way, neo-Blanquists, postmodern Marxists of every kind (including the different Leninist varieties) and, one or the other spawn, conceived in vitro and raised in an incubator (read anarcho-populism), today claim distant kinships with the wide and diverse anarchist family – taking into account the contradictory origins that are attributed to anarchism – for the sake of revolutionary consanguinity.
Pretending total amnesia, they pretend to make us believe that we are no longer the “uncomfortable relative” that they never invite to parties, which they never include in the photo and have always repudiated with substance. All in search of an “alliance” that allows the thriving development of “The final struggle”.
Of course, the mere reminiscence of this emotional stanza – a creation of the eternal guest of Père Lachaisse – still causes sentimentality that make one convulse more than a Quixote, which induces different anarcho-leftist chapels to listen to these calls and act in mirror image, closing the door to any moderately consistent reflection.
Unfortunately, today we can identify within our “galaxy” ideological positions that plead themselves “leftist” and, let themselves be easily dazzled by this narrative. A well-known example is the compulsive ‘front-ists’, who repeatedly establish alliances with different ideological sects and / or nationalist brotherhoods, in the name of the Revolution, of anti-imperialism, anti-fascism or anti-capitalism.
The absence of reflection (most of the time) and / or the distorted view of ideology, prevents clarifying the objectives. Our goal is none other than Total Liberation. Anarchic warfare – our warfare – is for Freedom and the only way to achieve it is Freedom itself. Aware that Anarchy is not a realization but a permanent tension, we have no hope in “The final struggle.” When we incite widespread insurrection, we do it by promoting permanent insurrection: no triumphs to reach or palaces to take.
Therefore, given the profuse calls for “unity,” the repeated invitations to “the sum of all forces”(28) and the inoculation of “constructivist” cravings, we have to turn a deaf ear. Painfully, these calls sometimes affect many comrades and, induces them to integrate into the most improper projects and away from the anarchic perspective (neo-Zapatismo in Chiapas; APPO in Oaxaca; the “community police” in Cherán and Ostula; the “democratic confederalism” of the PKK in Rojava, the establishment of the Wallmapu State, the defense of the Wiphala, the independentist aspirations in Hong Kong or Catalonia …), stimulating the recreation of unusual projects, confusing our steps with a tribute to an alien tradition doomed to eternal repetition.
The need to reopen the insurrectionary issue from an anarchic perspective
As we see today that the insurrections around the world intensify and we notice the undeniable interconnection between the different protests, we could ask ourselves if this “bad-being” – this kind of anger formed of despair that causes the popular revolts in all the ends of the planet giving way to the rage accumulated against those who govern and, against all political parties, whatever their ideological color – certainly responds to the sweeping impulse of an anti-capitalist and anti-authoritarian power, ready to leave no trace of domination or; we concur to the mood of widespread nostalgia that yearns for the return to what is no longer there; that is to say, the longings for the welfare state, industrial capitalism and the labour society.
Undoubtedly, in the most intrinsic of these manifestations of nihilism (where seditious passions are liberated and reinvented), there are indications of a new civilizing crisis overflowing with the political and economic coordinates of the moment. In the midst of that warp, the germ of the chaos is also incubated and those ephemeral intangibles of Anarchy resurge. However, not every nihilistic manifestation always converges in an anarchic action(29). If the crowd that stars in the current manifestations of nihilism are eager to recover “normality”, return to “the bad known” and return to their old roles as wage slaves, we face the imminent danger of the maturity of the snake’s egg: the spread of populism (regardless of its tendency) and its consolidation on a global scale. And, in the face of this peremptory threat, we must remain alert and on a permanent war footing.
How to face this contingency from anarchism? Modestly, I consider with more anarchism, that is, since the permanent insurrection, with greater theoretical deepening and with more praxis; with a consistent practice that overflows us and allows us to reflect at every step and develop more theory consistent with the times.
The only answer to this and all adversities is and will always be more and more anarchism. To make anarchism every day, that is, to continue assaulting what exists by all means – as Jean reminds us – “undeterred by those who would silence us” and; offer the most sublime we can offer: the enjoyment of the insurrection, putting into practice our destructive will, increasing the anarchic power beyond the “happy islands” and the spaces of survival (always and invariably on the way to being recovered by the system of domination ), radicalizing the manifestations of nihilism, that is, overcoming their impotent purity and infecting them with the desire for freedom but without being caught in the wear and tear of the innocuous offensive by reducing our war against submission to the orders of specialists and the authoritarian logic of the struggle.
We will have to be able to destroy work from consequent illegality: “with words, with the printed letter, with the dagger, with the rifle, with dynamite …”(30). If we achieve our war, it will not be because of the beaten transformation of reality, but it will have to be because of its total demolition. Hence the urgency of rethinking the insurrectionary issue, assuming the insurrection not so much as an objective – much less as a seasonal noise – but as a cause, that is, as the foundation of anarchic tension.
If in the face of this resolution we receive disqualifications, insults and ridicules, we will know that we have chosen a good path in accordance with the principles; the route that will allow us to appropriate our life and live it fully, in absolute and unrestricted freedom.
Planet Earth, February 18, 2020
(Three months after the insurrection began in the Chilean territory)
1. Dorfman, Ariel, Goodbye to the Chilean oasis. Available at: https://www.proceso.com.mx/612865/adios-al-oasis-chileno (Accessed January 6, 2020).
2. Dorfman, Ariel, Chile: Rebel youth, FCE, Colec. Winds of the Town, Mexico, 2019.
3. V. I. Lenin., Chapter II, “The spontaneity of the masses and the awareness of social democracy”, in What to do?, included in Complete Works of V.I. Lenin, Volume 6, Editorial Progreso, Moscow, 1981.
4. Patriotic Front Manuel Rodríguez-Autónomo / Movement of the Revolutionary Left-Guerrilla Army of the Poor, 11th Joint Communiqué: the rebellion of the hanged, printed flyer, Chile, January 1, 2020.
8. Internationalist Communist Group (GCI), There is no turning back, Bulletin of reflections on the revolt, Number 1, December 2019.
10. Vid., Internationalist Proletarians, Criticism of the Insurrectionary Ideology, Fighting Community Editions, 2012.
11. Op.Cit., GCI, There is no turning back.
12. The incorporation and theoretical help of inclusive categories that solve the limitations and narrowness of the Marxist vision are insufficient. It is clear to us that Power and political domination are prior to economic exploitation in any of its definitions. Precisely for that reason, the anti-authoritarian war, and not the class war (that is, the permanent struggle against Power and domination), has been the engine of history. That is the founding thesis of anarchism and the core of its theoretical-practical body, assuming Anarchy as a practice of permanent confrontation against Power and not as a radical expression of the class struggle.
13. Op.Cit., GCI, There is no turning back.
15. Regarding the pamphlet production in the Chilean region around the generalized insurrection, I cannot ignore another piece of trash of alleged “anarchist” manufacture that has caused (from the first page) all my astonishment. This is a sausage halfway between fiction (zombie cartoons) and the ideological jumble of the contemporary “anarcho-Leninist” nomenclature. This spawn, loaded with paranoid conspiracies in the same tonic of the Bolivarian Nostradamus (Senator Navarro), is signed by the Antagonistic Nuclei of the New Urban Guerrilla and, definitely, requires the contest of our modest reflections but, for the moment, we will continue owing it for a much more extensive text with these intentions to remain pending. “On insurrectional ghosts and false flags”, available at: https://vozcomoarma.noblogs.org/files/2019/12/Fantasmas-Insurreccionales-Lectura.pdf (Accessed 11/02/20).
16. Invisible Committee, To our friends, Pumpkin Nuts ed., Logroño, Spanish State, May 2015, P.12.
18. The French Revolution and the Paris Commune of 1871, remain the swan song of contemporary Blanquism – read Invisible (Central) Committee. That is why their “new” approaches always smell like old age cheese.
19. “[…] On Friday, October 25, more than 2 million people marched throughout Chile and the Wallmapu calling on President Piñera to resign and in favor of a Constituent Popular Assembly […] Throughout Chile, slowly but without pause , dozens of consolidating dozens of Territorial Assemblies, Town Halls and Community Groups. Historical forms of organization of our class are being recovered, rummages through memory to build the foundations of a new institutionality that springs from rage and protest but that is also deeply constructive and wide-ranging. Achieving adequate oxygen and tasks, coordination and planning and for the need for a broad popular unity from below will be the tasks of the moment […] The agenda, the tasks of the moment and the emancipatory perspectives must be put by the working people, on the street. But also in every workplace and place of study. Generating and promoting democratic Assemblies in each territory that debates the initiatives and building a program of demands in the short, medium and long term […] SOLIDARITY WITH THE CHILEAN PEOPLE THAT RISES AND FIGHTS! FOR THE CONSTRUCTION, GENERALIZATION AND COORDINATION OF TERRITORIAL ASSEMBLIES THAT DEBATE A TRUE POPULAR ASSEMBLY CONSTITUENTLY PLURINATIONAL AND FEMINIST! FOR SOCIALISM AND FREEDOM! UP THOSE THAT FIGHT! First signatures: Solidarity (Chile), Libertarian Socialist Action (Argentina), Rosa Negra Anarchist Federation (United States)”. Uppercase in the original text.
Available at: http://www.anarkismo.net/article/31688 (Accessed 02/14/2020).
20. Kalinov Most, More than two months of revolt against the State of Chile: Rapid balances, instinctive projections and permanent denials, Chilean region, January 2020, P.12. Available at: https://es-contrainfo.espiv.net/2020/01/15/mas-de-dos-meses-de-revuelta-contra-el-estado-de-chile-raudos-balances-instintivas-proyecciones -and-permanent-denials / (Consulted 02/14/2020).
21. Ibidem, P. 13.
23. “The ruins are not scary […] we are not afraid of ruins, because we carry a new world in our hearts. That world is growing at this very moment.”
24. Cavalleri, Costantino, Approfondimenti di un discorso isolato?, unpublished article, dated February 2020, forthcoming in the magazine NurKuntra No. 6, Sardinia.
28. Interestingly, in the static branch of physics, the sum of all forces equals zero when a system is in equilibrium, that is, when it has no modification or disturbance [∑ F = 0, first equilibrium law ( Newton)].
29. For the system of domination all anarchic action is a nihilistic manifestation; However, the nihilistic manifestation is nothing other than the outbreak of the rage of despair that places all its hopes on purifying destruction by betting on nothing, hence its inherent impotence.
30. Kropotkin. dixit.
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