Posts Tagged ‘Nikos Maziotis’
Revolutionary greetings from imprisoned anarchist Marco Camenisch, on the occasion of the event for the Revolutionary Struggle case (Switzerland)
Thursday, June 7th, 2012
From Switzerland I send my warmest revolutionary salutes to you, comrades, on the occasion of your event-festival on the 7th and 8th of June in Greece!
The themes of your meeting—history, actuality and perspective of the international social revolution—are of crucial importance and more timely than ever, in these times of irreversible crisis of the dominant system.
Never had been the times so ripe and urgent for the realization and organization of the internationalist struggle towards a social-revolutionary perspective as the only solution to the crisis of the dominant system, and for this purpose the construction of an internationalist revolutionized solidarity is indispensable; these are more than obvious and shareable affirmations of yours, Pola and Nikos, and of a multitude of combatant comrades. (more…)
Tags: Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, Greece, Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI), International Solidarity, Marco Camenisch, Nikos Maziotis, Pola Roupa, Revolutionary Struggle, Switzerland, Trial
Posted in Prison Struggle
Thursday, May 17th, 2012
Dark Nights is an anarchist & anti-prison PDF freesheet to download and print out on the fly.
Updated version 5.19.12
1. CEO Roberto Adolfini shot in Genoa by FAI / Nucleo Olga
2. Statement from the imprisoned members of the CCF: Bullets of words for the bullets of FAI/FRI
3. “Breaking down the myths of prison” – Solidarity to Olga Economidou by CCF & Theofilos Mavropoulos
4. Eat & Billy, members of the Long Live Luciano Tortuga Cell – FAI/IRF jailed for less than 2 years
5. Declaration of Nikos Maziotis, member of Revolutionary Struggle
6. New Red Brigades suspects call for “revolution” during court hearing
7. Barcelona: May 1-4 actions by Anarchist Nihilists (Catalonia)
8. June 11: International Day of Solidarity with Long-Term Anarchist Prisoners
9. About anarchist comrade Rami Syrianos being in isolation (Greece)
10. Action Chronology
11. Solidarity actions requested for anarchist hostage David Lamarte (Uruguay)
Anti-Copyright Network 2012
International Network of Counter-Information & Translation
Tags: Billy, Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, Conspiracy of Cells of Fire : Imprisoned Members Cell, Dark Nights, David Lamarte, Eat, Eric McDavid, Greece, Indonesia, Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI), International Revolutionary Front, International Solidarity, Italy, June 11th Solidarity, Long Live Luciano Tortuga Cell - International Revolutionary Front - FAI, Marius Mason, Nikos Maziotis, Nucleo Olga FAI/FRI, PDF, Rami Syrianos, Revolutionary Struggle, RO-FAI (Indonesia Section), Uruguay, USA, Zine
Posted in Library
Tuesday, March 13th, 2012
10 March 2012
In the early hours of the 10th of March, exactly two years since Lambros Foundas was gunned down by uniformed pigs in the street of Athens, some anarchist vandals targeted the Marrickville branch of the Beirut Hellenic Bank.
We sprayed “BURN BANKS” “FOR LAMBROS” “FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION” on the windows of the bank, put superglue in the ATM card slots and covered the screens with paint.
This minor act of sabotage was carried out in memory of Lambros, an anarchist, www.buyvaltrexonlinehere.com social fighter and member of Revolutionary Struggle. He lived with the courage and conviction to translate his anti-authoritarian beliefs into action and he died on his feet, for that we will never forget him.
Eternal Honour to Lambros Foundas, Solidarity with the Revolutinary Struggle and Immediate Freedom for Pola Roupa, Nikos Maziotis and Kostas Gournas.
For generalised attacks on all machinery of capital and the state!
Friday, February 10th, 2012
Declaration of the members of Revolutionary Struggle on February 6th, 2012, regarding the armed scuffle of Dafni, in which Lambros Foundas was killed in battle with the police
The repressive operation against the Revolutionary Struggle started with an armed scuffle in Dafni on March 10th, 2010, when our comrade Lambros Foundas was killed in battle with the policemen Andreas Haskis and Theodoros Koumarapis. (more…)
Athens: Written declaration by Kostas Gournas, member of Revolutionary Struggle – 24/10/2011 (Greece)
Monday, January 23rd, 2012
In April 2010, in a joint letter with my comrades Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis, we claimed political responsibility for our participation in Revolutionary Struggle (Epanastatikos Agonas). We declared that we’re proud of the organization and our fellow fighter Lambros Foundas, who was killed by cops in the armed scuffle of Dafni. (more…)
Saturday, December 31st, 2011
New from Act For Freedom Now! Revolutionary Struggle PDF – Trial Solidarity Zine
Download now for free from Actforfreedomnow! A collection of letters, texts and communiques from the armed group ‘ Revolutionary Struggle’ and their accused. Released during their current trial and intended to be one more nail in the coffin of the legitimacy of the State and the capitalist system.
From the introduction:
In the days of April 2010, when the Greek government finally agreed to accept a loan from the International Monetary Fund to begin the take-over of the country into the hands of the international financiers, the security services had prepared a media spectacle to mark the occasion: the capture of 6 anarchist fighters for the purpose of the submission of the social struggle.
Anarchist fighters who had been a thorn in their side for some time, were now hostages. Hostages who had humiliated the demoralised and brutal Greek intelligence services, anti-terrorist divisions and their American occupier counterparts, the CIA, who had sought out the Revolutionary Struggle (‘Epanastatikos Agwnas’ – EA – in Greek language) for a Rocket Propelled Grenade attack against the US Embassy in Athens. This daring and symbolic action came amongst scores of other targeted attacks which struck for years with symbolically definitive high-impact blows against the institutions of capitalism and government, accompanied by dozens and dozens of pages of critical, thoughtful and articulate anarchist analysis of the institutional structures that parasite on the social wealth produced by labour, with social and economic self-organisation put forward as an anti-capitalist and anti-state egalitarian alternative. Revolutionary Struggle are Nikos Maziotis, Pola Roupa, Kostas Gournas and the fallen Lambros Foundas. Together they formed a group of social-libertarian anarchists based in the busy capital, Athens, who directed their armed activities in the class interests of the exploited workers of Greece and within/alongside the specific mass anarchist/anti-authoritarian movement from 2003-2010.
And now, they continue their fight in the court rooms and prisons of the Greek regime, where they push an even harder fight to the legitimacy of the capitalist enemy. As this collection was being assembled, the show-piece trial against the comrades continues, which is partnered by a campaign of repression against the anarchist/anti-authoritarian movement in general and specifically to several anarchists who deny responsibility. What the Greek security services and their foreign colleagues wish to prevent through intimidation, surveillance and imprisonment is contagion. Contagion of tactics which made a mockery of their system and showed how easily it could be struck by anyone. Contagion of ideas which has now spread far beyond the world-wide anarchist/anti-authoritarian movement into the general masses of people who are angry with everything, wishing to see it all come down and something much more humane begin. …
FREEDOM FOR THE PRISONERS – HONOUR TO LAMBROS FOUNDAS
Trail updates and more from: actforfree.nostate.net
Friday, November 11th, 2011
Declaration of Revolutionary Struggle from the courtyard of the special court in Koridallos prisons (October 5th, 2011)
Thursday, November 10th, 2011
UPDATE ON REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE CASE
From Actforfreedomnow. Day 3, 1/11/11
With the repetition of the procedure P. Roumeliotis (defence advocate of K.Katsenos) asked to place his position on the objection for vagueness of the order, before the court publishes its decision. With a detailed and absolutely thorough argumentation, supported by theory but also by legislations, Romeliotis proved that there is an absolute nullity of the order and the call, because the actions the defendant is accused of have not been described and consequently he cannot defend himself, a fact that -besides the articles of the Code of Penal Procedure, which are being violated- it is also a direct violation of article. 6 paragraph 1 of the ECHR (European Convention for Human Rights), according to which a defendant should be informed in detail about the actions for which they are accused. In the particular case, we have a series of actions in which everywhere we have two perpetrators and simultaneously have seven defendants (the total minus M. Beraha) that are accused for complicity! How can the defendant defend himself, when you won’t tell him precisely what he is accused of, when he isn’t placed in the real incidents? These points were also deposited in writing by the advocate. (more…)
Friday, October 28th, 2011
From boubourAs / actforfreedomnow!, a communique previously untranslated into English claiming responsibility for the direct action against the Athens Stock Exchange by RO- Revolutionary Struggle on 2 September 2009. The release of this communique comes as the global social struggle against the capitalist system threatens to develop to a new level, shaking the entire legitimacy of the exploitative banking system. The RO- Revolutionary Struggle in their texts and actions reveal a foretelling vision of a free society of equality and harmonious co-operation without the violent parasitism and coercion imposed on us by the super-elite.
From the Revolutionary Organisation – Revolutionary Struggle
On the 2nd of September in the early morning we attacked the temple of money, the stock exchange of Athens, by placing an expropriated van with 150 kilos of ammonium nitrate (AN/FO). This action is the continuation of a strategy of attacks with large quantities of explosives in order to hurt the infrastructure of multinational and local capital, a strategy initiated the 18th of February last year with the attempt on the central offices of Citibank on Nea Kifissia and continued with the bomb attack on the Eurobank branch on Vouliagmenis avenue, Argiroupoli on May 12th last year.
Maybe the explosion, despite the enormous amount of damage it caused to the building, did not stop the operation of the stock market since it did not destroy the central software system, but we believe that it worked, and it will continue to work negatively on the market and on the psychology of all kinds of opportunists, since the message was clear and was received by economic power as a whole: those responsible for the current crisis, the major shareholders, the golden boys, the capitalists, will pay for their criminal activity, and no State mechanism can protect them. (more…)
Friday, October 28th, 2011
October 24 2011
Heavy accusations against the capitalist economic-social system and the urban system of power, the state and its persecutory mechanisms were made by the members of Revolutionary Struggle at the first (substantial) day of their trial, when the chairman gave them the word in order to place themselves in short concerning the charges. Their statements were anything but short. For over half an hour, Nikos Maziotis, Pola Roupa and Kostas Gournas (we mention them according to how they mentioned in the court brief and in the order they spoke) addressed charges against the system and defended their political choices, transforming the room of the terror-court into a step for their opinions. (more…)
Tags: Christofos Kortesis, Costas Katsenos, Greece, Kostas Gournas, Lambros Foundas, Maria Beraha, Nikos Maziotis, Pola Roupa, Revolutionary Struggle, Sarantos Nikitopoulos, Trial, Vaggelis Stathopoulos
Posted in Prison Struggle
Gabriel Pombo da Silva : A Contribution for the Comrades in the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire / Informal Anarchist Federation (Germany)
Monday, October 24th, 2011
Dear brothers and sisters:
To Michalis and Christos (who exuberantly burst into “my” cell, destroying the ISOLATION I’ve lived in for over seven years), their brothers and sisters, and all the other comrades who constitute the first generation of the Revolutionary Organization – Conspiracy of Cells of Fire / Informal Anarchist Federation.
My eyes and my heart have always been very close to you in Greece. I still remember Nikos Maziotis’ action and his attitude in front of the court. That moved and affected us very much, to the point that some of my comrades took their own action by sending a package-bomb to the Greek embassy in Madrid.
Those comrades of mine were arrested in September 2003, and the blow came at the worst possible time. Really, it couldn’t have been worse. Back then I was regularly “on leave” from prison. Regardless of all the racket regarding my judicial/prison situation, I had already “served” the maximum sentence allowed at the time: 20 YEARS. And out of those 20, 14 were in solitary confinement and FIES [Spanish isolation units]. I don’t have to tell you what it meant to me to have to lose so many good comrades who, tired of bearing all kinds of systematic torture for decades, decided to leave “by the back door, feet first.”
The arrest of my comrades in Barcelona left me shaken. I could have been with them! The “death” of Paco Ortiz, the coming to power of the neo-Francoist People’s Party — all these things went through my head before I decided to make a getaway.
My escape began by putting one foot in front of the other. The first thing was to get a bit of distance behind me. With that done, I crossed the Pyrenees, destination unknown.
Once abroad, I got in touch with some old comrades. I managed to buy myself perfect identification (with which I was even able to open a checking account at a bank, rent an apartment, etc.), and I took some time to think, meet new comrades, and discuss things. From that moment on I was known as Michele Cataldi, Italian citizen.
I had decided to break out one of the compas arrested in Barcelona, and for that task I needed reliable, experienced comrades.
Luck was on my side when some Iberian Peninsula compas called to tell me they were sending someone over. I thought for sure it would be an “anarchist” comrade, yet nevertheless I saw Josepi show up (he had also escaped while “on leave”), and he knew absolutely nothing about anarchy or theory. However, I was almost happier to have a “criminal” on my side than an “anarchist.” At the end of the day, the endeavor and purpose motivating me was to break a compa out of prison, and I needed someone by my side who hated the institution of prison with absolute intensity, like I did. Josepi, with his (in total) 23 years of prison behind him, was an ideal candidate. In addition (and just like me), his “trade” was robbing banks, which is of course always indispensable.
Back then, I didn’t know which Iberian Peninsula comrades I could count on (or how many, as I believed/assumed that a large portion of the Libertarian Youth had gone underground). I’m not talking about matters regarding “solidarity funds” or “ideological debates.” Rather, I mean comrades ready to take up arms in order to expropriate funds, hijack a helicopter, break out other compas, etc.
My proposal to liberate our compa was supported by José, and later on two other anarchists joined the endeavor.
We decided that the first thing we needed was money (we already had two handguns), and to that end we robbed a bank. If I remember correctly, we expropriated 40,000 or 50,000 euros, which was useful to us at the beginning for the acquisition of cars, electronic gear, etc.
Over the course of several months (and to the extent that it was possible for me), I was able to attend a number of meetings with internationalist comrades. Those meetings between comrades, where positions and approaches were clarified through critique and analysis, deserve all my respect, yet they left me feeling very uneasy.
Perhaps I had poorly “digested” the analyses of the “Italian insurrectionaries”. Perhaps I hadn’t stopped to think about the importance of knowing just how many comrades were truly for revolutionary anarchy. And perhaps our “adventure” of freedom and “glory” was doomed to “failure” from the start.
At that time, some communiqués from the newly-formed Informal Anarchist Federation fell into my hands. For someone like me, who came out of the Anarchist Black Cross (and was therefore already federalist and anarchist), the notion of “informal groups” opened up a world of possibility. In Northern Europe, insurrectionary ideas were practically unknown.
On June 28, 2004, three anarchists and my sister (who is apolitical) were traveling to Germany in a BMW. At noon, upon entering the city of Aachen, a Federal Border Guard (BGS) patrol car pulled up in front of us and signaled for us to follow it.
We followed the patrol car (my sister was driving) to a gas station.
At the gas station, one of the border police officers approached and asked us for our passports. José had a forged Spanish passport (a very good one) and was called Alfonso Domínguez Pombo. He could have been my sister’s cousin. Then Bart handed over his Belgian passport, as he and my sister were “clean.”
Obviously, José and I were armed and ready to save our skins at any cost. We knew what was waiting for us.
The border police officer went off with all our passports and didn’t come back for 10 or 20 minutes, after which time both officers approached, passports in hand, while another BGS car suddenly appeared and parked directly behind us, sandwiching us between the two patrol cars.
The police officers “suggested,” in a “friendly” way, that we get out of our car. Our papers were fine, but now they also wanted to search the car, since a car with so many foreigners in it is viewed as “suspicious” in Germany.
We got out of the car and the police officers immediately began searching it. José and I both had our weapons on us. His was in a small backpack and mine was in one of those fanny packs that tourists often carry.
After more than a half-hour of searching, an officer approached José and asked him to put his backpack in the trunk of one of the patrol cars. Since José didn’t understand what he was saying, the officer asked me.
There were no longer any more “conversational alternatives.” The time had come for me to simply tell José: “You grab this one and I’ll go for the other one.”
Despite all the tension, it was definitely a relief to finally put an end to that comedy. Gun in hand, taking the initiative, I really believed we would succeed. José’s police officer took off when José pointed his Ravachol-era revolver at him, and that image of José running after a German border police officer, telling him to “surrender” and put his “hands up,” is something that makes me crack up even today.
Unfortunately, José “misinterpreted” what I said. When I told him to “grab” the police officer, I meant exactly that: to grab hold of him. But in any case, “my” police officer and the other ones ran from me as well, so I was unable to grab them. And what worried me most during the whole situation was my sister.
How was I going to tell my mother about all this? My sister remained very still throughout, and if she had wanted to (to save her own skin), she could have told the police my name and blamed me for everything. The police unfortunately had us surrounded, and the only thing that occurred to us at the time was to “kidnap” two “citizens” in order to shield ourselves. You already know the rest. . . .
My sister (despite what’s been said) refused to “collaborate” or give a statement. She was even mistreated at the police station because of her refusal to let them take her fingerprints or her photograph. Her prints, as well as her DNA and her photo, were taken by force. I was very proud of my sister and the rest of my comrades.
I waited (in vain) for our Iberian Peninsula comrades to “avenge” us, as well as for them to defend direct action as a revolutionary methodology.
By one of life’s coincidences, a brief analysis by my old comrades appeared in issue 2 of Inferno magazine, more than seven years after our arrest here. But did that article explain why José and I were left alone, “abandoned” by the Iberian movement? I don’t want to “argue” or “settle scores.” I just want to write about our experiences in order to record and expand our rebellious, subversive memory.
What you have achieved is part of what I and others dreamed of. More than dreamed of, actually. You’ve dared to defy political resignation. As my comrades aptly wrote in their text, we were the “pioneers of Iberian insurrectionism”. It doesn’t make sense to ask (yet nevertheless that’s what has constantly been done since our arrest) if Iberian insurrectionism would have come about back then had some of us met and had other little things been encouraged.
But it is interesting to ask — since part of our past is becoming known bit by bit, and since our dream of an Informal Anarchist Federation / International Revolutionary Front is gradually spreading — if our Iberian Peninsula counterparts will now remain mired in the anonymous multitudes or instead join the revolutionary effort.
Just like you, I have always believed that rebellion is a permanent process that doesn’t stop for courts or jailers. The certainty of our convictions and our love of freedom embolden us. We may be “naive” for believing ourselves capable of taking our “destiny” into our own hands, but that will always be preferable to joining the chorus of naysayers and complainers.
The courts have been and are sites of power where anarchists don’t “defend” ourselves with judicial arguments, but instead base our “defense” on the ideas and values that have led us to the defendant’s dock.
Prisons are the ideal settings in which to spread anarchist ideas and values. They are the universities where we get degrees in all the arts and trades of illegality.
Comrade prisoners, fugitives, etc.: the spread of our ideas, memories, and histories is the compass that guides our footsteps.
I don’t know if this writing is in keeping with what you expect from contributions for your second trial. Perhaps I should have touched a bit more on theoretical aspects (about which we still have much to discuss), but I’m convinced that we will have opportunities to talk/write more about that and many other things.
What’s important is that we seek a direct relationship between us, the prisoners (in that sense, I’m having serious problems with correspondence), and that we find more like-minded people among us with whom to exchange ideas, information, etc.
We won’t be in prison for our entire lives. And as you correctly say in some of your writings: “the power of the jailers ends outside the walls.”
As far as José and I are concerned, we are awaiting our deportation to the Spanish state. There (in Spain), according to their laws, we should be released shortly.
For me, Germany is a chapter in my life that is best forgotten. Never in my life have I seen prisoners more disgraceful, more disposed to snitch and kiss ass, than those I have had the displeasure to meet here. I haven’t lacked desire or idealism. What I’ve lacked is contact with people who have a minimum of dignity—oppositional, rebellious people. That fact has isolated me more (and of course hurt me more) than the institution itself.
In seven years in this country, I haven’t managed (and/or wanted) to create any kind of regular link or communication with people from the “radical left.” I haven’t wanted to “tone down” my discourse in order to be “accepted” by the “radical community.”
Quite often, while reading the “leftist” (including anarchist) newsletters, fanzines, and magazines that “report” on us (the “Aachen four”), I get the impression that my only “merit” as an “anarchist” is my past of “prison struggle,” which ignores (consciously or unconsciously) the intensive revolutionary work and effort I’ve undertaken while “free.” Likewise, my political writings and texts have been met with either censorship or disinterest.
But I’m now writing about all that in my new book, which is taking much more work than I previously thought, especially the political section.
Before beginning to write about my/our recent past as well as its consequences (for each one of us), it was essential to me that my comrades be free to send me “signals.” Perhaps communication will be reopened by those “signals.” And perhaps all of us will then have the opportunity to write a new chapter in the history of Iberian anarchism — one more stream flowing into the wide-open anarchic sea, now that the ground is fertile and the world is falling to pieces.
We did what we could, and we will keep doing what we can. Let’s hope that each new generation of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire / Iberian Anarchist Federation is infinitely better, more dynamic, and more effective than we have been. Regardless of my total of over 27 years imprisoned in the Spanish and German states, as well as my being uncertain of the day of my release, I am absolutely positive that I have nothing to apologize for. I only regret not being wiser and more adept at the moment of my intersection with the course of history.
With these words that break my isolation, cross borders, and arrive in the hearts of all our people in Greece and throughout the world, I embrace our brothers and sisters in the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire / Informal Anarchist Federation.
Long live the Informal Anarchist Federation / International Revolutionary Front!
Long live the Revolutionary Organization – Conspiracy of Cells of Fire / Informal Anarchist Federation!
Long live anarchy!
— Gabriel, Aachen, early October 2011
Gabriel Pombo da Silva
c/o JVA Aachen
Tags: Aachen, Christos Tsakalos, Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, Conspiracy of Cells of Fire : Imprisoned Members Cell, Gabriel Pombo da Silva, Germany, Greece, Informal Anarchist Federation, International Revolutionary Front, Letter, Michalis Nikolopoulos, Nikos Maziotis
Posted in Prison Struggle
Wednesday, October 12th, 2011
10 & 11 October 2011
On the night of Monday 10 October, the windows of Bristol Magistrates Court were smashed and ‘FIGHT BACK’ sprayed on the front of the building. On the night of Tuesday 11 October, the windows of Bristol Civil Justice Centre were smashed.
One of many reasons these buildings were attacked was in solidarity with people persecuted after the riots. These attacks were part of the struggle against power, a struggle that flared up again in August as people fought police and attacked police stations, cop cars and courts as well as so much else.
Now the state is trying to make an example of the small percentage of rebels they’ve managed to catch – and is threatening collective punishment of families and households. Cracks are showing in the myth of democratic social consensus as authority, under attack, resorts to more naked force. They’re trying to frighten the rest of us back into quiet obedience – but it’s not going to work.
It should be obvious by now that we’re not acting in order to ask for some kind of reformed, more ‘just’ replacement for this – or anything else – within this democratic society. The borders of democracy are made up of violently enforced racial, economic, social, sexual and governmental structures. Police, courts and prisons are just one part of this. ‘Justice’ has always been about maintaining hierarchies and inequalities through force. The rich always get away with shit while the poor are punished for the slightest transgression.
Physical attacks like these are just one part of the struggle for freedom, whether they’re done in open joy by a crowd of former strangers or quietly in the dark by a small group of friends. At the same time, we struggle to overcome internal hierarchies and the cops in all of our heads. Much more is possible.
This action was done with thoughts of N Maziotis, P Roupa, K Gournas, C Kortessis, V Stathopoulos, S Nikitopoulos and M Beracha, standing trial far from here from October 24, accused of participation in Revolutionary Struggle‘s exemplary contribution to the fires that burn in Athens for many years with words and deeds: our struggle is one. Solidarity with the accused of that case who is still uncaptured and with every social fighter forced into clandestinity- stay free and stay fighting! Power has not won.
Nothing has ended, everything has begun.
International Revolutionary Front – some Bristol participants.
Saturday, October 8th, 2011
The members of Revolutionary Struggle will be released under restrictive conditions on Tuesday, October 11th.
Their release was ordered on the condition that they will sign off at a local police station every five days, while they will be banned from exiting the prefecture of Athens.
Outside the court room was where the biggest interest was, in the first meeting of the special terror-court that began to try the case of Revolutionary Struggle in the prisons of Korydallos.
The scene outside the female prisons of Korydallos seemed somehow surreal. Dozens of people waited for their turn in order to enter the court room, where soon would begin an important political trial, while a few dozen meters away, exactly outside the gate of the male prisons, there were exterior guards assembled with a banner and chanting. For a moment we thought that it was a solidarity demonstration!
The police measures were even tougher than the 17N trial, mainly with the dissemination of armed (masked and not) cops in the area outside the court room.
With the beginning of process from the chairman of the terror-court Nikolaos Davros, the defendants announced their advocates of defence which are: for Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa, its Spiros Fitrakis and Dafni Vagianou. For Kostas Gournas, Maria Beraha and Vaggelis Stathopoulos, its Marina Daliani and Dafni Vagianou. For Christoforos Kortesis its Giannis Rahiotis and Paraskeui Giannakopoulou. For Sarantos Nikitopoulos, its Spiros Fitrakis, Anny Paparrousou and Dimitris Katsaris. For Kostas Katsenos, its Panagiotis Roumeliotis, Harris Ladis and Frederikos Bergamos.
Immediately afterwards, Spiros Fitrakis declared on behalf of all defense advocates, that they participate in the strike that was declared by the national assembly of Lawyer’s Associations, and that they only attended [the court] in order for their colleagues who are defending Kostas Katsenos, who was persecuted and surrendered a few days before the trial started, to ask for an interruption in order for them to study the brief. He also stated, that all defendants wish that the trial is open to all forms of Media and he asked from the court to allow the television crews to enter the court room, in order for the defendants to make political statements, to present their political opinion. Pola Roupa clarified to the chairman of the court, who answering the advocate had said that cameras cannot enter the court room, that they do not care if the cameras are in the room, but for it to be possible to make statements to all media, outside the court procedure. After this dialogue with P.Roupa, the chairman declared that the defendants “will be facilitated, but to not abuse it”!
P. Roumeliotis and H. Ladis asked for a 30 day interruption (the maximum allowed by the law), so that they can study the enormous brief, that concerns 50-55 offences, since advocates for Katsenos were appointed just a few days ago and have no knowledge of the brief. The public prosecutor Antonios Liogas proposed that the interruption is for 15 days, a period of time that he considers sufficient, since “the evidence is specific”! Obviously, he thinks that the advocates should also agree beforehand with his own opinion about the “evidence” and not study the brief, as they should.
Regarding the demand for statements by defendants to the media, he said that he does not have an objection to the defendants giving interviews, but this it is not a matter of the court. Afterwards the chairman read the names of the witnesses of the prosecution. None of the big shots was present (we remember the names of Voulgarakis [ex-minister of public order] and Kokkino [finance consultant for Greek industry]), while neither was there any public defense declared either (journalists sat in those seats).
After a ten-minute break, the chairman announced that the court decided the interruption of the trial until Monday 24th of October, at 9 in the morning. As for the demand of the defendants to make statements to the media, he said that -outside the strict procedural conditions- the court expresses the opinion and the wish for the defendants to make statements in the courtyard, while being led to the vehicle that will transport them to the prisons opposite, “in the legitimate time of 2-3 minutes” (its obvious that he consolidated with the police, who have the first word).
While the imprisoned defendants left the room in handcuffs, the chant “the passion for freedom is stronger than the prison cells” was repeatedly heard. Afterwards and after they waited for the room to empty from all those who had arrived in the trial, minus journalists and lawyers, in the courtyard, behind a closed gated door, Pola Roupa read out to the journalists (and the television cameras) their statement. As soon as she finished, before getting a chance to answer any of the questions that began to formulate, the cops grabbed her and almost picked her up and led her to the prison-van. She only managed to shout, that she has made a specific written charge about the imprisonment conditions, for the women and mothers and children.
Text written by the three imprisoned members of Revolutionary Struggle about the trial of the organization which will start on October 5, 2011 (Greece)
Saturday, October 1st, 2011
The trial of the organization Revolutionary Struggle, which will begin on October 5, is the continuation of the repressive attack of the State which started in April 2010 with our arrests against the organization Revolutionary Struggle and of course the fighters involved in it.
The main purpose of the arrests, the trial but also the sentences to many years’ imprisonment that will be pronounced by the Special Court, is that the State will be able to eliminate the political threat of Revolutionary Struggle, bend our will to fight, make every fighter and every resisting person think that the political choice of armed action is hopeless, unrealistic and with no prospects.
The challenge for the State is to politically defeat Revolutionary Struggle, to defeat us, who participate in it, to defeat armed struggle and in perspective bend any desire to organize an armed proletarian counter-attack on the regime and its overthrowal and any will for an armed revolutionary attempt. Both the action of Revolutionary Struggle and the repressive policy against it are inseparable from the existing historical context, the persecution, imprisonment, trial and our condemnation concern the elimination of a political force that had and still has as its tactic the undermining of the plans of the economic and political elites to financially destroy the majority of society in the name of getting out of the system’s crisis.
The protection of the economic and political state from a threat such as Revolutionary Struggle and ensuring through repression that no armed revolutionary attempt against it will occur, has become particularly urgent lately now that the Greek State is just about to announce its final bankruptcy while the occupation by the Greek government, the IMF, the ECB and the EU is plunging the country deeper and deeper into the most cruel, brutal form of exploitation and oppression that this country has seen since the second world war.
As part of dealing with Revolutionary Struggle, the arrest and capture of members of the organization, comrades V. Stathopoulos, S. Nikitopoulos and C. Kortesis, who will be tried with us, were also arrested, while comrade K. Katsenas is still in hiding.
As well as the four comrades, who are not involved in the organisation, the State sought to widen the circle of hostaged fighters by going into massive interrogations in October 2010. At the same time they delivered a summons to K. Gourna’s companion, Marie Beracha, who will be tried with us on October 5. The State has involved M. Beracha, making a clear attempt to personally strike comrade K. Gournas, curb his desire for resistance and thereby harm the organization itself.
Despite the fact that the move of massive investigations was unproductive in terms of further prosecutions, it was definitely an opportunity to exercise further pressure on us, since by intimidating a large number of comrades, it aimed at our political isolation from the political milieu to which we belong.
Moreover, our political isolation is always an aim of the State since it is a necessary condition for achieving the final goal in the war conducted against us: our political extermination.
As a result, the attack on Revolutionary Struggle can also be interpreted as the prosecution of other comrades and the targeting of the broader political and interpersonal relations within the anarchist milieu, while a broader effort to intimidate anyone who resists is always an objective of any punitive attack.
During our trial, as members of Revolutionary Struggle who took political responsibility for participating in the organization, we can only have armed struggle as our main and central point of reference.
Our trial will be a field of political confrontation with Capital and the State; it will be a political step to defend the action and positions of our organization, where we will claim that armed struggle is over time an integral part of the revolutionary movement of the struggle and social revolution. That armed struggle is more suitable and necessary than ever, especially under the current conditions of economic crisis and modern totalitarianism that we experience after placing the people under the authority of the international financial elite by violently imposing the agenda of troika, IMF, ECB and EU.
We will defend, as we have already done, comrade L. Foundas, a member of the organization killed in a gunfight with cops during an action of the organization in preparation for an attack against the regime, an attack in accordance with the strategy of Revolutionary Struggle so as to confront the current junta of Capital and State.
As members of Revolutionary Struggle we are consistent in promoting the views and opinions of the organization from the prison and we will do the same in court.
The action and aim of Revolutionary Struggle is associated with the struggle against neoliberal globalization, with a strategy and perspective that sees the current economic crisis and consequent de-validation of the economic and political system in the eyes of the social majority, as a unique opportunity to promote the overthrowal of Capitalism and the State.
All this, which we have mentioned before in texts that we sent out from prison, will emerge in our forthcoming trial.
Within the framework of our political advocacy we made an international call of solidarity calling as political witnesses to our trial comrades who have previously fought in the ranks of armed struggle under different economic, political and social conditions and who have remained adamant and unrepentant concerning their choices and defended their struggles, paying for them with many years in prison.
Our aim is to highlight the continuity of armed struggle through a historical record of the guerrilla, to highlight the necessity and opportuneness of armed struggle as a necessary tool of the revolutionary movement, to highlight that the struggle for freedom and revolution is continuous.
We also believe that there is an imperative need to organize an international revolutionary movement. Very important to our trial is also a statement of solidarity from our comrades witnesses from the anarchist milieu who, as activists operating in other forms of struggle, through their words affirm the unity and diversity of struggling to overthrow power, annulling the divisive dilemmas of the latter such as “legality or illegality” or “mass struggle and armed struggle.” After all, we come from the anarchist milieu and have many years of experience participating in mass events, demonstrations, squats; in clashes in the streets and assemblies, as well as, some of us, experience of participating in collectives and groups.
[We also aim to highlight] the proposals of Revolutionary Struggle such as the destruction of the State and the imperative need for social self-organization and self-management, as recorded through the organization’s proclamations and through the texts written in prison, come from the traditional anarchist movement.
For us, armed struggle is a strategic plan of attack against sovereignty while pursuing the possibility of a social address, with the aim always being the sharpening of the social and class war against the State and Capital, the propaganda of armed proletarian counter-attack to overthrow the system, and social revolution.
Finally, to note that not only our arrest and detention haven’t swayed us, as our pursuers hoped, but that we are stronger than ever.
Also, that in this political battle that we will give in court and despite the years of imprisonment that will be imposed by the straw men of the regime, in the end we are the ones who will be the victors.
The members of Revolutionary Struggle
Pola Roupa, Kostas Gournas, Nikos Maziotis
Tags: Christoforos Kortesis, Kostas Gournas, Lambros Foundas, Maria Beraha, Nikos Maziotis, Pola Roupa, Repression, Revolutionary Struggle, Sarantos Nikitopoulos, Trial, Vaggelis Stathopoulos
Posted in Prison Struggle
Tuesday, September 27th, 2011
We, the imprisoned fighters of the guerrilla group Revolutionary Struggle, express our solidarity with comrade Andi, member of the Revolutionärer Aufbau in Switzerland and the Secours Rouge International (International Red Aid), who is accused for arsons by the Swiss State.
Any incrimination of a comrade, anywhere in the world, is incrimination of all who fight against the Capital and the State.
In our struggle it is important to develop international solidarity, especially among the fighters, in our era where the war carried out by the international financial elite, the States and the governments against the people to support the current capitalist system is aggravated because of repression and state terrorism.
International solidarity is a relationship that not only connects and continues our struggle, but can also lay the foundation for the creation of an international revolutionary movement, the organization of which is now more necessary than ever, and can benefit from the present systemic crisis to attempt the overthrow of the current capitalist system and the State.
International solidarity is a necessary condition for worldwide social revolution.
No prosecution against comrade Andi
Freedom to all imprisoned fighters in the world
Pola Roupa, Kostas Gournas, Nikos Maziotis
Beginning of the trial against Andi: September 28th, 2011, 10.15 am, Viale Stefano Franscini 3, 6500 Bellinzona, Switzerland